SOCIALIZATION AND LOCALIZATION: A CASE STUDY OF THE DATUK
GONG CULT IN MALACCA
WENDY CHOO LIYUN
INTRODUCTION
Datuk Gong is a Sino-Malay spirit cult in Singapore and
Malaysia, commonly known as Na-du-gong (拿督公) in Chinese, or Datuk Keramat
in Malay. This cult is especially interesting because it demonstrates the
influence of localization on Chinese folk religion, which was first brought
into Malaysia by the early Chinese immigrants. The intermixture of Malay belief
in keramat worship (or saint
worship) with Chinese folk religion in this cult is not only apparent in the
name of the cult, of which ÔDatukÕ
is a Malay word while ÔGongÕ (公) is a Chinese honorific title often used for gods,
but can also be detected in the different elements of worship involved, such as
the iconography, rituals and taboos of the cult. This is not to say Malay keramat worship was adopted wholesale into Chinese folk
religion. In his seminar paper, Cheu Hock Tong noted the similarities and
differences in beliefs and practices in the worship of Malay keramat and Datuk Gong as a result of selective adaptations by the Chinese.[1]
Only those elements of Malay keramat
worship which are similar to Chinese religious worship or useful in helping the
Chinese adjust to the new environment in Malaysia were adopted and ÔsinicizedÕ.
By studying the worship of Datuk Gong
in Malacca, I hope to demonstrate the many points of congruence between Chinese
and Malay culture that has allowed Chinese folk religion to localize.
However,
similarities between the Malay and Chinese folk beliefs could not have led to
localization if it did not serve the needs of the Chinese in Malaysia. As noted
by Anne Goodrich, Òwherever and whenever a man felt a need for assistance, he
found a god to help himÓ.[2]
The cult of Datuk Gong grew out of
the needs of the Malaysian Chinese to socialize with the Malay state and
society, although there must have been a degree of socialization between the
Chinese and Malay community before the creation of Datuk Gong cult. Scholars have noted how the localization of
religion can help in the socialization of different communities, but neglected
the fact that interaction of cultures is one of the reasons why localization
could occur in the first place. The first part of this paper provides a general
background to the adoption of Malay keramat worship by the Chinese and the similarities between
the two belief systems that made adaptation easier for Chinese folk religion.
The second part presents the findings of my fieldwork in Malacca, which
provides the materials for my analysis on how the processes of localization and
socialization reinforce the strength of each other and become increasingly
significant as the overseas Chinese decide to settle in Malaysia.
GENERAL BACKGROUND
Malay folk beliefs and keramat worship
Keramat
worship or saint-worship is a legacy of early Sufi Islam which played an
important role in the propagation of Islamic mystical teachings through Islamic
movements.[3]
However, as a result of the interactions between indigenous notions of semangat[4]
(soul) and belief in spirits, with the popular Islamic cult of the saints, the
idea of keramat took on a variety of
meanings. According to W.W Skeat, keramat is of Arabic origins which can be translated to mean ÔsacredÕ when it
is used as an adjective to describe men, animals, plants, stones, etc.[5]
However, the word ÔkeramatÕ takes
on different meanings depending on the context. When keramat is used on a person, it implies special sanctity and
miraculous power. By itself, keramat
refers to a holy place.
In his investigation on Malay magic, Skeat
pointed out that Òtheoretically, keramats
are supposed to be the graves of deceased holy men, the early apostles of the
Muhammadan faith, the first founders of the village who cleared the primeval
jungle, or other persons of local notoriety in a former ageÓ[6],
but many of the keramats were
actually in the jungle, on the hills and in groves with no traces of a grave. Skeat
also noted that Òthe reverence paid to them and the ceremonies that are
performed at them savour a good deal too much of ancestor worship to be
attributable to an orthodox Muhammadan originÓ.[7]
Thus, aspects of Malay folk religion, especially the indigenous belief in
spirits persisted and became syncretized with Islam in keramat worship.
Indigenous belief in spirits, such as
guardian sprits, nature deities and ancestral spirits is based on the idea that
manÕs well-being and the success of his endeavours are dependent on the
disposition of the spirits which inhabit his environment.[8]
As a result, nature spirits who are thought to control the elements of nature are
often invoked when land is cleared for cultivation, while guardian spirits of
villages (usually the spirit of an ancestor or the founder of a settlement) are
worshipped to ensure the well-being of the village. Indigenous belief in
spirits became incorporated into keramat
worship, such that any person who have done good deeds and contributed to the
peace and prosperity of the community may be honoured and remembered after
their death as keramats. For all keramats, an association with Islam is claimed or implied. As
a result, religious behaviour towards objects and spirits identified as keramat takes on some Islamic features.[9]
Chinese folk beliefs and Datuk Gong
The similarities between Malay folk beliefs
and Chinese folk religion can been seen in Chinese ideas regarding the
deification of man, ancestor worship and spirit worship. According to Anne
Goodrich, Chinese believe that every person had within him a shen[10]
(神) and if it was strong enough, the person might become a
god.[11]
Therefore, many Chinese gods are either deified men or nature spirits.[12]
Some Chinese also worshipped inanimate things such as stones and sacred trees
as gods.[13] Like the
Malays, Chinese practised ancestor worship because they believed in mutual
dependence between the living and their dead ancestors.[14]
Chinese belief in afterlife meant that the deceased needed the same things as
they had when they were alive, including food, clothing, money, etc. If the
needs of the ancestors are provided, they will help and protect their
descendants, by providing them with longevity, wealth and success. If their
needs are neglected or forgotten, the ancestors will be angry and punish their
descendants.
These points of congruence in Malay and
Chinese culture made it easier for the Malaysian Chinese to adopt keramats as their deities. Many Chinese visited these
shrines of Malay saints. As resurgences of Islamic orthodoxy became
increasingly widespread, Malay Muslims were urged by the state to return to the
pure form of Islam whereby Allah is the only God. Consequently, many Malays
gave up keramat worship. In these
cases, these shrines of supposed Malay origin were adopted by the Chinese:
ÒSome of them (the keramat
shrines) were taken over by the less orthodox Malay Muslims from Hindu
antecedents and given an Islamic character. Then in turn they were virtually
taken over by the Chinese, and their continuation has come to depend almost
entirely on Chinese patronageÓ[15]
It is believed that the Straits-born Chinese,
descendants of the early Chinese immigrants who intermarried with local Malays,
took the lead in worshipping the keramat
before other Chinese follow suit.[16]
The Straits Chinese are familiar with both Malay and Chinese culture, though
they saw themselves as more Chinese than Malay. The interactions between early
Chinese and Malays probably provided the basis for localization of Chinese folk
religion. The Straits Chinese termed the keramat ÔDatuk GongÕ.
The term ÒDatukÓ has three possible meanings.[17] For the Straits Chinese, ÔDatukÕ means ÔgodÕ. ÔDatukÕ can also be interpreted as an honourific title, just like the Chinese word ÔGongÕ(公). Lastly, the word ÔDatukÕ can be interpreted in Malay as ÔgrandfatherÕ. The Straits Chinese pray to the Malay spirits at these shrines just as they pray to any Chinese deity, with joss sticks and candles. In addition, the Muslim food taboo for pork is observed. Where there is a Malay care-taker, the Chinese worshippers would ask the caretaker to pray according to the Islamic way and a small donation is given for the service.[18] Datuk Gong became a generic term for the cult of a venerated deceased person, usually of Malay or native origin, or the spirit-being guarding a particular sacred place, either known or unknown in local history or legend.[19]
FIELDWORK ON DATUK GONG CULT IN MALACCA
Introduction
My fieldwork is based upon interviews with
some Chinese I met in Jonker Walk and Bukit Cina area, as well as some Straits
Chinese families living in other parts of Malacca. The devotees that I
interviewed come from all walks of life: temple committee members, hawkers at
food centres, the shopkeeper of a store that sells Chinese worship items and
idols along Jalan Tokong, a hairdresser, an office girl at a Chinese company,
clan association members and even the men on the streets. For my fieldwork, I
visited Datuk Gong shrines located within
and outside Chinese-owned shops, in residential areas, along the road, under a
tree as well as within a temple. Due to time constraint, I only took three
trips to Malacca, each lasting 2-3 days and missed the chance to observe the
consultation sessions for Datuk Gong
conducted by spirit-mediums.[20]
Many of the Chinese in Malacca know about
the existence of Datuk Gong, even if
they do not worship him. When I conducted fieldwork in Malacca at the Bukit
Cina area and asked around for directions to Datuk Gong shrines, I was told that Datuk Gong shrines can be found all over the place and the
Chinese recommended me to the ones that they felt were ling(灵)
or spiritually potent. None of my
interviewees seemed to know about the origins of Datuk Gong. They were simply continuing the tradition of their
parents and saw no need to learn about the origins of the deity as long as he
is ling.
Although Datuk Gong is a Sino-Malay cult, Malays and Chinese are not the
only ethnic groups that worshipped Datuk Gong. Many Indians are involved in the worship. Devotees
mentioned that Indian spirit-mediums are sometimes engaged to conduct
consultation sessions for Datuk Gong
and many Indian grocery shops sell the offerings prepared specially for the
worship of Datuk Gong. Some Datuk
Gongs are even of Indian Muslim origins.
Like most Chinese gods, Datuk Gong is a title of an office which can be held by one
person or another. The office can continue through the years but the position
could be held by one spirit in one part of the country and by another
elsewhere. Thus, the Datuk Gong
in different locations can have different names, different birthdays and
different personality traits. However, the birthdays of all Datuk
Gong are dated according to the Chinese
lunar calendar and are revealed to the devotees through the spirit-medium or
through dreams. For example, one Datuk Gong that I visited is known as Dato Waji Wahid, his
birthday being on the 16th day of the eighth lunar month.[21]
When I asked the owner how she knew when the birthday of the deity was, she
told me that she had hired a spirit-medium to find out. Dato Waji Wahid is also
said to have been to Mecca and is Haji.
There are also female versions of Datuk
Gong, known as Datuk Nenek
(or Na-du-nai-nai拿督奶奶). Nenek is the Malay word for ÒgrandmotherÓ. When praying to
the Datuk Nenek, some of the
devotees actually offered her cologne (gu-long-shui古龙水)
and make-up, reflecting the Chinese belief in afterlife and the humanistic
nature of gods.
Datuk Gong is said to possess different personality traits. Some of my informants
depicted Datuk Gong as
benevolent, helping devotees recover from illnesses which even a trained doctor
could not heal. Others warned against reckless worship of the Muslim deity, for
he is strict towards his worshippers, punishing those who are disrespectful and
pray to him without refraining from eating pork.
While some Datuk Gong have Muslim names, the more common ones are those
with the names of colours such as Datuk Merah (Red Datuk), Datuk
Kuning (Yellow Datuk) and Datuk Putih (White Datuk). This could be due to Malay traditions that seldom
refer to indigenous spirits by their specific names.[22]
According to Cheu Hock Tong, each of the colours symbolizes the function of
each Datuk Gong. Green signifies
the keramat of the east who
ensures the growth of flora and fauna; red refers to the keramat of the south who controls drought, fire and harvest;
white represents the keramat of
the west who is in control of ill-luck or inauspiciousness, black represents
the keramat of the north who
exercises control on water, flood and death; and yellow refers to the keramat of the centre who keeps surveillance over the
stability and general well-being of the respective colours.[23]
Interestingly, this also seems to reflect the influence of the Five Element,
Five Colours and Five Directions in Chinese cosmology.[24]
However, this is not to say Datuk Gong of particular colour is limited to a certain
function. My interviews with local devotees showed that Datuk Gong performs multiple roles, as god of health, god of
wealth, god of earth and even exorcists to different people who sought his
help.
What do the worshippers pray for?
The Chinese worshipped Datuk Gong in the belief that the he has the power to preserve
peace, harmony and safety in both residential areas and factories. An
interviewee revealed that most Chinese factories would erect Datuk
Gong shrines at their work-sites or
compounds and worship him in the morning and at night everyday to ensure smooth
running of the business, especially if the land on which the factories are
built have been newly reclaimed from forested areas or uninhabited land. Another
devotee claimed that at least 80% of the Chinese businessmen who owned
factories have an altar devoted to Datuk Gong at their work sites. Even though his claim might
have been exaggerated, the popularity of Datuk Gong in Chinese-owned factories in Malacca is a fact
verified by all my interviewees.
Many Chinese believe that Datuk Gong can enrich them by revealing lucky numbers or
conferring lucky draws in lottery. Many of the devotees that I interviewed were
quick to introduce me to the Datuk Gong shrines that that they thought were most ling and answered their requests for lucky numbers. In
exchange for the help, the devotees would vow to provide the deity with a feast
or to refurnish the shrines of the deity should they strike lottery.
Datuk Gong can also help the Chinese get better if he is possessed by evil Malay
spirits or is put under a Malay spell. When I asked whether a Chinese deity
could do the job, my informant replied that a Malay deity is better because he
is closer culturally and can communicate more effectively with the Malay
spirits.
Shrines and temples
The choice of installing or worshipping the Datuk Gong in the home or in factories is usually due to a premonition the worshipper has, the recommendations of a spirit-medium employed by the worshipper, or a dream from Datuk Gong to the worshipper asking to be venerated. Reflecting the Chinese primary concern with practical benefits, if the Datuk Gong of any shrines proved to be lacking in potency after worship, the shrine is often allowed to fall into a state of disuse.
A devotee told me the story about the Datuk
Gong shrine near her house: the residents
wanted to build a temple at the site so they invited the spirit mediums to
check out if other spirits or gods resided at the location. They were told that
a Datuk Gong stayed there and had
asked to be worship along with the Chinese gods in the temple. The
acknowledgement of being newcomers to an ÔoccupiedÕ land led the Chinese to
worship the Malay spirit.
Scholars such as Cheu Hock Tong and Tadao
Sakai believe that Datuk Gong is the
Malay equivalent of the Chinese Tu-di (土地),
or the local God of Earth because Datuk Gong shrine is based on the format of traditional Chinese locality deities.[25]
An informant brought me to a shrine dedicated to seven Datuk Gong and a Tua-pek-gong (大伯公). The
fact that the shrine is called Di-zhu-gong-ting (地主公亭)[26],
or the Shrine of Earth Gods is reflective of the position the Sino-Malay deity
is thought to hold within the Chinese pantheon.
In Malacca, although the worship of Datuk Gong is very popular, there are few big Chinese temples that are solely dedicated to the worship of Datuk Gong. Instead, Datuk Gong is frequently the subsidiary god in Chinese temples or is placed outside the main altar of the temple at a small isolated shrine within the temple grounds. An informant revealed that the Datuk Gong is seldom placed along the same altar as other Chinese gods in the temple because of the restriction he had due to his Muslim identity.
On the occasions when Datuk Gong is worshipped in big Taoist temples, he is usually
placed with Tua-pek-gong. In Di-zhu-gong-ting, where Datuk Gong share the same altar with the Chinese Tua-pek-gong, the seven Datuk Gong were placed close together and shared a censer,
while Tua-pek-gong was distanced
from the seven Datuk Gong and had
a separate censer to himself.[27]
Thus, a clear divide between Datuk Gong and other Chinese deities existed even when they were placed on the
same altar.
For those who worshipped Datuk Gong in their homes, the altar for Datuk Gong is usually set in a small shrine in the backyard.
There are also some devotees who placed the altar for Datuk Gong under their ancestral tablets or the tablets of
higher-ranking Chinese god.
Although building altars are usually located
in the front corners or at the back of Chinese houses, shops, factories or
temples, fengshui (风水) sometimes plays a role in the site of the altar,
especially for those who set up the altars in factories or at home. For
instance, an informant who is a member of a temple committee in Malacca pointed
out that the altar of Datuk Gong
at the back of the coffee-shop where I met him faces the entrance of the shop
because the other directions either face Bukit Cina (the hill of the dead),
which is inauspicious, or the wall. He also mentioned that sometimes, Datuk
Gong would choose his preferred location
for the altar by appearing in the dreams of devotees or by voicing his request
through a spirit-medium.
As a result of the interactions between
Malay culture and Chinese folk religion, some Datuk Gong shrines are constructed with Islamic motifs, such as
the crescent, or Malay architectural designs.[28]
Yellow is often used for the colour of the roof in Datuk Gong shrines and a yellow cloth is often hung on the
shrines of Datuk Gong.[29]
The colour yellow is seen in the Malay concept of divine kingship as the sole prerogative
of the royalty and prohibited among the commoners, thus it creates an aura of
sanctity and respect from the people when it is used on the keramat.[30]
Coincidentally, yellow was also the symbolic colour of the royalty in
traditional China.
Iconography
Chinese worshippers believe that if one has
the picture or image of the deity, or a piece of paper or wood with the name of
the deity written on it, the soul, mind and personality of the deity would be
present. In local Chinese religious iconography, Datuk Gong is commonly represented by a Malay man dressed in
traditional Malay shirt and sarong,
wearing a formal songkok (hat).[31]
Kris (Malay sword) and other
traditional Malay court regalia and ceremonial objects would also be placed on
the altar.
According to a devotee, the iconography of Datuk
Gong can also be distinguished by its
colour. The idol of the Green Datuk Gong is usually made holding a rattan (木藤), the Red Datuk with a snake, the White Datuk with taels (元宝), the Black Datuk with a tongkat (walking stick) and the Yellow Datuk with a kris. However, since Malay Datuk
Keramat often dies by a sacred
stone or transform into a stone upon death, and there are state restrictions on
the use of Islamic iconography in Chinese temples and shrines, many people
preferred to use stones rather than idols to represent the deity.[32]
In these cases, a stone wrapped with certain coloured cloth, or a piece of red
paper with Na-du-gong (拿督公) written
on it would be used as a representation of the deity. Sometimes, a tablet with
the Na-du-gong carved onto it is used to
represent the deity.[33]
Rituals
Each Datuk Gong shrine is represented by an altar, which is often
signaled by the presence of a censer. Each censer usually embodies a Datuk
Gong spirit. Worship of Datuk
Gong is typical of Chinese practices,
involving bows and prostrations with folded hands, burning of spirit money,
prayers and vows, and Chinese ritual paraphernalia such as incense and candles.
However, in the Datuk Gong
shrines in Malacca, yellow candles instead of red or white candles are often
used.[34]
Offerings of fruits are often served to the
deity. Bananas are commonly used as offerings for Datuk Gong, because they symbolize gold and sticky glutinous
rice symbolizes riches and togetherness to the Chinese.[35]
Pineapples are also typical worship item. Known as ong-lai in Hokkien, pineapple represents prosperity and is
always used by Hokkiens in their worship of Heaven during Chinese New Year.[36]
Malay usually forms the language of
communication between the Datuk Gong and
the Malaysian Chinese devotees. An interviewee believe that praying to the
deity in Malay made the deity more accessible and more responsive to her
requests, although one can pray to the deity in any language. Moreover, Datuk
Gong speaks Malay when he possesses a spirit-medium
and writes charms for his devotees in Malay.
Other than typical Chinese ritual
paraphernalia, Malay worship items are also incorporated. In Malacca, one can
pay one ringgit to an Indian Muslim grocery store to get the worship items for Datuk
Gong, commonly known as the Datuk liao[37] （拿督料）.
The items include shredded tobacco or native cigarette (rokok daun)[38],
arecanut flakes and betel leaves with lime paste. The betel leaf is of great
significance to the Malays, having ritual powers which can cure the sick of
their diseases. Some other Malay offerings include pulut kunyit (yellow-stained glutinous rice) and bunga
telur (red-coloured eggs). Offering the pulut
kuning which is actually glutinous rice
stained with tumeric to the keramat
implies that the individual is according great respect to the saint and thus
hopes that his/her request would be fulfilled.[39]
The offering of benga telur is
meant to appease the spirit of the ancestors and protect the devotee from any
form of attack by evil spirits. The Malay practice of strewing sweet scented
flowers over the graves of the keramat to demonstrate the respect of devotees towards the saint is also used
by the Chinese in the worship of Datuk Gong. .
According to an informant, the important
days (大日子)
of worship in Malacca are Thursday and Fridays. These are the days when rituals
or prayers will be performed for Datuk Gong.
One Taoist temple that I visited has consultation sessions for Datuk
Gong devotees every Thursday evenings. Scholars
have also noted the significance of Thursday to the Malay community.[40]
The Chinese devotees usually pray to Datuk Gong in the mornings, before any meat is taken or at
night. A devotee also mentioned that in some Datuk Gong temples in Malaysia, Islamic festivals such as Hari
Raya Haji or Hari Raya Puasa are celebrated.
Taboos
According to informants, worshippers should
never serve Datuk Gong with pork or it
will incur his wrath and the devotee will be punished. For stricter Datuk
Gong, devotees are not allowed to pray to him
if they had pork for their meal just before they visit to him. If a female
devotee is having her period, she is seen as ÔdirtyÕ and forbidden from
touching the deity, especially his head.
INTERPRETATION AND ANALYSIS
Parsons have noted that religion, as a set of beliefs, practices and institutions, evolve in various societies as responses to different aspects of their life and situation.[41] Graham also pointed out how Chinese have always used religion to understand and make sense of the environment around them.[42] The practicality of Chinese folk religion and its pervasiveness back in China ensured its survival even after it was exported to Malaya[43]. Chinese folk religion is then utilized by the Chinese immigrants to cope with the alien social environment as individuals reconstructed their community and culture by actively adapting ancient symbols and ritual forms to suit the local environment. Therefore, by studying the Datuk Gong cult, we can find out how localization of Chinese folk religion helped the immigrant Chinese adapt to their new environment and how their early socialization with the Malay community is reflected in the cult.
An understanding of the meanings of the
Malay term ÔDatukÕ can give us a peek
into the different ways Datuk Gong
cult reflected the early contacts between Chinese and Malays in Malaya. By
understanding the term ÔDatukÕ as
grandfather, the Chinese can be said to be praying to the ancestors of the
Malays. In the incorporation of Malay keramat worship into Chinese folk religion, the Chinese
immigrants demonstrated their acknowledgement of Malay authority over their
community by showing respect towards the Malay ancestors. As noted in my
fieldwork, Chinese businessmen with factories and worksites in previously
uninhabited areas and Chinese who wished to build a temple on any sites would
usually employ a spirit-medium to find out if any Malay spirits such as Datuk
Gong occupied the area. If the area was
ÔoccupiedÕ, the Chinese would usually try to maintain a harmonious relationship
with the spirit by granting their wishes, in the hope that the spirits would
help them in their business endeavours. In syncretizing the Chinese God of
Earth with Malay local spirits, immigrant Chinese entrepreneurs extended
recognition and respect to the original spiritual protectors of a land that yielded
them great wealth.[44]
If we see the term ÔDatukÕ as an honorific title granted by the sultans to people of great contributions to the community or state, Datuk Gong becomes a symbol of Malay political authority. The fact that Datuk Gong is worshipped by the Chinese as the local God of Earth with jurisdiction over a certain area further reinforces the role of Datuk Gong as the Malay district officer representative of the state. In this way, the Malay state is engaged as a cultural idea by the Chinese immigrants in the body of Datuk Gong, a Malay honorific figure representative of the state who helps the Chinese immigrants residing on their land by answering their prayers for prosperity and peace.
Interactions between Chinese businessmen and
the Malay rulers were necessary to ensure profitability and convenience in
trade. Historically, the Chinese immigrants had always been confined to the
economic sector while the Malays dominated the political sphere. Chinese
businessmen sought state protection and maintenance of peace and stability, or
economic benefits such as tax concessions. In return, they rewarded the help of
Malay rulers by offering other benefits, such as sharing of monetary favours in
terms of loans and giving the rulers their political allegiance. The reciprocal
relationship between the Malay rulers and Chinese immigrants is reflected in
the cult of Datuk Gong. Many Chinese pray to Datuk Gong for economic benefits, such as lucky numbers or for
the success of their economic ventures. When their wishes are granted, they
fulfill their vows to the deity by preparing a feast or rebuilding the shrine
for the deity. On the other hand, if Datuk Gong does not prove to be responsive to the needs of his
devotees, his shrine is allowed to fall into disuse as devotees turn to other
more powerful Datuk Gong.
The fact that Datuk Gong punishes his devotees if they violated his taboos serves as a reminder to the Chinese that Islam and Malay traditions are important features of Malay life that could easily upset the Malay rulers and community if due respect was not given. As more and more Chinese decided to settle on the Malay land, interactions with Malay community also took on additional importance. With the disintegration of the sojourner mentality, ethnic enclaves no longer prove to be a viable option. Instead, contacts with the Malay community became unavoidable and essential to ensure profitability in trade and to lead a peaceful life.
One way to attain this harmonious relationship was by promoting an understanding of Malay customs, beliefs and taboos to other Chinese settlers whose contacts with the Malays are still limited. This was aided by the incorporation of Malay keramat worship into Chinese folk religion. In this way, the early Chinese settlers could pass down their knowledge of Malay taboos and needs by socializing other Chinese with Malay culture through the cult. The separation of Datuk Gong from other Chinese deities in Chinese temples showed that being Muslim, his needs had to be catered for through a different system of worship comprising of both Malay and Chinese elements. Therefore, the Chinese settlers are prompted that Muslims lead a different way of life that Chinese must respect.
While localization is partly the result of
socialization, localization can also reinforce socialization. Other than
promoting greater understanding of Malay beliefs, Datuk Gong cult can also help the Chinese to develop actual relations
with the Malay community. For example, the birthday of Datuk Gong serves as occasion for communication and cooperation
between the Chinese and Malays, since Malay help has to be sought to prepare halal food for the Muslim deity. In addition, through the Datuk
Gong cult, Chinese can demonstrate their
acceptance and understanding of Malay culture to the Malay community by
respecting the taboos of the Datuk Gong, and by participating in Malay festivals such as Hari Raya. Even
though the contacts between the Malay and the Chinese communities may be
superficial at sight, an understanding of the customs and practices of the
indigenous people must have reduced the opportunities for cultural conflicts
and helped the early Chinese immigrants feel more at ease in their new home.
However, the
incorporation of Malay and Islamic elements into Chinese folk beliefs does not
mean that the Malaysian Chinese are Ômasuk MalayÕ (becoming Malay). In the sense that religious systems allow
channels for expression of community, Chinese religion is an element in the
expression of Chinese ethnicity. As noted by John Clammer, while Chinese
popular religion is Òan adaptive set of strategies for coping with both the
changing world and its unchanging basis–peopleÕs relationship to life,
death and the supernaturalÓ, it also provides an identity-confirming mechanism which
links the Malaysian Chinese to Òthe great body of traditional Chinese cultural
themes so easily lost by an immigrant people.Ó[45]
Rather than Òmasuk MalayÓ, the
acculturation of Chinese folk religion produced a distinct cult that enabled
Chinese in Malaysia to develop a cultural identity that tied them to their
ancestral homeland, while allowing them to develop a sense of identification to
the Malay land in which they now reside. Thus, even though Datuk Gong is a Malay deity, he is seen as part of the Chinese
pantheon, indicating how the Malaysian Chinese continue to identify themselves
with their Chinese roots despite the acculturation with Malay beliefs.
CONCLUSION
My fieldwork showed that Malay folk beliefs were clearly incorporated into Chinese folk religion in the cult of Datuk Gong. What had allowed localization to occur were not only the similarities between the two cultural systems, but also because a Sino-Malay deity served the needs of the Chinese. The fact that Chinese were more concerned about the potency of the deity than his ethnicity points to the pragmatism of the Chinese. Earlier socialization with Malay state and society provided the basis for localization. Coupled with the adaptability of Chinese folk religion, it was no surprise that Chinese religion became an important tool for the Chinese to socialize with the Malay community by demonstrating their religious sensitivity towards Malays and encouraging greater understanding of Malay culture. Localization of Chinese folk religion did not make the Chinese Ômasuk MelayuÕ, but had allowed the Chinese to preserve their ethnic identity by retaining their culture and traditions, while helping the early Chinese immigrants adapt to their residence in the Malay world.
Interestingly, Datuk Gong shrines cannot be found in the Chinatown of Malacca
(specifically the Jonker Walk area) where famous Chinese temples such as Cheng
Hoon Teng (青云亭) are located. Within the Jonker Walk area, there is a
strong sense of Chinese identity fostered by the presence of the clan
associations and temples. Many of the images of Chinese deities in the temples
were specially imported from China. On the other hand, Datuk Gong shrines are more prevalent in the Bukit Cina area,
which lies on the periphery of Chinatown and is closer to other Malay towns.
This observation reveals how the process of localization was accelerated as
more and more Chinese immigrants decided to settle in Malaysia and out of their
traditional ethnic enclaves, when contacts with the Malay community and state
became more regular and essential. However, it should be noted that the extent
to which the cult of Datuk Gong
can help maintain harmonious ethnic relations between the Chinese and Malays
may be limited by steps taken by the government against the use of Islamic
signs and symbols in Chinese temples.[46]
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APPENDIX
Figure 1 Picture of Di-zhu-gong-ting (地主公亭Shrine of the Earth gods).
Figure 2 The seven Datuk Gong and Tua-pek-gong in Di-zhu-gong-ting. Note the two censers and the distance between Datuk Gong and Tua-pek-gong.
Figure 3 Sample of Datuk liao (拿督料). The items include shredded tobacco or native cigarette (rokok daun), arecanut flakes and betel leaves with lime paste.
Figure 4 Datuk Gong idols in traditional Malay shirt and sarong, with songkok.
Figure 5 An altar for Datuk Gong installed in a coffeeshop near Bukit Cina. Datuk Gong is represented by a stone wrapped in black cloth.
Figure 6 A typical Datuk Gong shrine at the roadside maintained by the shopkeepers in the area. Note the yellow cloth hanging over the shrine.
Figure 7 A Datuk Gong altar found next to the roadside in Bukit Cina. Datuk Gong is represented by a tablet with his name written on it.
Figure 8 A Datuk Gong shrine built
with Muslim symbols and Malay architectural designs.